Maggie Kuhn (1905-1995) Age
In 1970 Maggie Kuhn ("Speak your mind--even if your voice shakes,
well-aimed slingshots can topple giants." --Maggie Kuhn, 1905-1995"),
a sixty-five-year-old executive in the national office of the Presbyterian
Church, was told by her superiors that it was time for her to retire.
The church's policy of mandatory retirement at age sixty-five was typical
of most U.S. employers of twenty-five years ago. But Kuhn was still taken
by surprise, says Susan Eklund (Susan Eklund, Byron A. Root Professor
of Aging, School of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation, Professor
of Education, School of Education, and Director of the Indiana University
Center on Aging and Aged, Indiana University Bloomington), who is the
Byron A. Root Professor of Aging in the School of Health, Physical Education,
and Recreation, a professor of education in the School of Education,
and the director of IU Bloomington's Center on Aging and Aged.
"Maggie Kuhn spoke with some friends, and they all had similar
concerns," Eklund says. Mandatory retirement was not the only
practice to which they objected. "They wanted to do something
about the way older people are viewed by individuals and by society.
They didn't like the way they were treated in department stores, for
example, how people condescended to them. When they met new people,
they thought they were being judged by their looks rather than by their
competencies. So they held a public meeting in New York City to talk
about the positive contributions of people who are retired. More than
a hundred people showed up," Eklund says.
This meeting represented the birth of a seniors' rights organization
known as the Gray Panthers (The Gray Panthers, like the American Association
of Retired Persons (AARP), represents seniors), with which Maggie Kuhn
remained associated until her death earlier this year at the age of
eighty-nine. Though the Gray Panthers had initially rallied around
issues of age discrimination, they had a much broader agenda. Eklund
says, "One of the primary things that they were concerned about
was the Vietnam War. They opposed U.S. involvement in Vietnam and decided
it would be the first thing they would focus on, at the same time that
they were focusing on age discrimination. The way they would do this
was to bring together like-minded older and younger people. Young and
old began to work together in a variety of ways-- marching on Washington,
picketing, writing letters, visiting legislators."
From their beginnings, the Gray Panthers demonstrated a flair for
attracting attention to their causes. When the 1971 White House Conference
on Aging--a presidentially sponsored event composed of politically
appointed delegates from throughout the country--was held in Washington,
D.C., the Gray Panthers protested. The racial and social makeup of
the delegation, they maintained, did not accurately reflect the diversity
of the older population in this society. For example, Eklund says, "there
was a lot of concern that the special needs of minority elders were
not going to be represented at this conference, and that seemed a form
of double discrimination. So the Gray Panthers worked with another
new group, the National Caucus on the Black Aged, to hold at the same
time as the White House Conference what they called the ÔBlack
House' Conference on Aging, also in Washington. They got so much publicity
that the leaders of the White House Conference on Aging contacted and
included representatives from the National Caucus on the Black Aged."
The Gray Panthers' grassroots methods for bringing about awareness
and change closely resembled those of other social activist organizations
of the late 1960s and early 1970s, with whom they sometimes formed
coalitions. The Gray Panthers supported and continue today to support
a socially progressive philosophy. But the Gray Panthers' approach
has not been the only one, nor even the dominant movement, toward protecting
the rights of the elderly in this society.
The most visible, the largest, and the most politically mainstream
group is the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP), founded
in 1958, with a membership today of approximately 32 million. Led by
Horace B. Deets since 1988, the AARP sponsors programs for seniors
at the community level, such as tax assistance and crime prevention
classes. It also offers its members a group health insurance plan.
But the AARP may be best known for its lobbying efforts on behalf of
the interests of senior citizens. In fact, during this year's Congressional
debate over budget cuts in federal programs that assist seniors-- especially
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid--the AARP's protests against
these cuts led to warnings that the organization was in danger of losing
its tax-exempt status.
The federal programs that the AARP defends so vigorously exist as
the product of several waves of government-directed social reform that
have occurred throughout the history of the nation. The earliest efforts
consisted of assistance to the elderly and other needy groups through
the collection of mandatory poor taxes, which were levied as long ago
as colonial times. "Poor relief primarily went to older people," Eklund
says. "There was an idea of shared social responsibility for older
adults." In the latter part of the nineteenth century, pension
programs, such as the Civil War veterans pension fund, began to appear.
It was not until the 1930s, however, that the U.S. government undertook
a comprehensive approach to providing financial supplements for the
elderly. The Social Security Act of 1935, which was part of President
Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal legislation, enacted pensions for most
retired commercial and industrial workers sixty-five years old or older.
Through the years, the program has expanded to cover increasing categories
of beneficiaries.
"Social Security is an example of a program that has worked and
solved the problem that it was set up to address," says Karen
Harlow, associate professor of public and environmental affairs and
of family medicine on the Indiana UniversityÐPurdue University
Indianapolis campus. "Back in the thirties, the Depression era,
a number of medical problems were being solved, and people began living
longer than they had planned for financially," Harlow says. "When
Social Security began, more than a third of all elderly were living
at or below the poverty level. Now the poverty rate among elders is
down to 12 percent." Harlow credits Social Security, along with
increased saving for retirement, for the improved quality of life many
elders enjoy. Another advantage for seniors since 1965 has been Medicare.
"Initially Social Security was developed to address the poverty
problem," Harlow says. "By the mid-1960s, the political issue
was national health insurance. President Lyndon Johnson was trying
to pass a national health insurance plan and didn't think he could
get it through Congress, so Johnson's compromise was to provide coverage
for certain vulnerable groups. The Medicare program, a health insurance
plan just for older Americans, was set up within the Social Security
Administration because elders were seen as legitimately dependent,
as part of the Ôdeserving poor.'"
Ironically, as older Americans' quality of life has risen, their image
has changed, says Harlow. "Elders have lost their sympathy status.
In the media the elderly are no longer portrayed as frail or helpless,
which is often appropriate, because many of them are not. They're often
portrayed as athletic, as affluent." The new image is not always
accurate, however, and Harlow worries about how this image affects
public policy. "There is still a large concentration of older
people who are extremely vulnerable--for example, very elderly women," Harlow
says. "If we take services away from this group, they will have
serious problems."
Harlow, who focuses her research on how the government decides to
allocate funds for services to needy groups, recognizes that the loss
of services for such individuals is a very real threat. "At the
same time that we have a growing elderly population and more people
needing expensive, long-term health care, our government is attempting
to reduce the deficit, in part by cutting spending on federal programs
for seniors," she says.
Harlow and Eklund share a concern about those individuals who are
not only elderly but who also belong to one or more other groups that
are subject to some form of discrimination: women, minority group members,
frail or disabled individuals, and others. One of the many missions
of IU Bloomington's Center on Aging and Aged, Eklund says, is to work
on "maintaining sensitivity to the needs of exceptional aging
populations, particularly the developmentally disabled, although we're
also concerned about minorities and about rural, isolated elderly." For
example, Eklund and co-researcher Barbara Hawkins have been collecting
data for eight years on older adults with Down syndrome, many of whom
live into their sixties and seventies.
"We sometimes talk about developmentally disabled people being
in double jeopardy, because there clearly is evidence of discrimination
against both older people and people with disabilities. If they have
both conditions, there probably is increased discrimination," Eklund
says.
Tony Shepherd (Adjunct Professor of Gerontology and Executive Director
of Area 9 In-Home and Community Services Agency, Indiana University
East), who directs the Area 9 In-Home and Community Services Agency
on the IU East campus in Richmond, has found that people do not even
have to be older than sixty-five to be subjected to age discrimination. "A
typical situation is that of a divorced woman, over fifty-five years
old, who did not receive much property in the divorce settlement," Shepherd
says. "She may look for a job for a year with no success--because
employers are reluctant to hire older workers--and use up her savings.
A middle-class woman can go into this cycle and be poverty stricken
in a very short time."
Discrimination in hiring exists, Shepherd says, despite evidence from
research showing that older workers learn their jobs as quickly as
younger workers, stay with companies longer than younger workers, and
are more likely to desire part-time positions than younger workers. "Some
progressive employers are now beginning to look at older people as
an excellent resource," Shepherd says. "For example, the
Travelers Insurance Company realized millions in savings with a program
for hiring older workers."
Shepherd predicts that attitudes about older workers will continue
to become more positive as people stay in the work force longer. "I
foresee many more people working into their seventies," he says.
The passage of the federal Age Discrimination in Employment Act of
1986, which eliminated mandatory retirement for most categories of
workers, has made it possible for today's older workers, unlike Maggie
Kuhn in 1970, to continue in their professions.
Still, Karen Harlow warns, society must establish a better system
for meeting the needs of those elders who are unable to work. "Currently
3.5 percent of all elderly have a serious disability, and 5 percent
of our population lives in nursing homes," Harlow says. And with
over-eighty-five-year-olds as the fastest-growing segment of the population,
some debilitating, permanent, and costly health problems such as Alzheimer's
disease (which affects up to one in three individuals eighty years
old or older) may become more prevalent. Harlow predicts that the U.S.
government or individual states eventually will institute some form
of universal health insurance, which will help to address such problems. "We
are the only major industrial country that doesn't have national health
insurance," she says. "In all of the national polls, there
is majority support for it."
It is important, however, that elders not be viewed primarily as consumers
of expensive government services. Harlow, Shepherd, and Eklund all
assert that this portrayal is inaccurate. "Older people aren't
just takers," Eklund says. "They're also givers." As
an example, Eklund cites many intergenerational programs, including
one being developed by the Center on Aging and Aged, which enable seniors
to be involved in the education and care of young children. "I
have seen political attempts to pit seniors' interests against those
of other groups in this society," Shepherd says, "particularly
the needs of children. Older people are not selfish. They care about
the next generations. They are probably the most patriotic group. They
have fought in wars; they've made it through the Depression. We have
many seniors who are raising their grand-children. As the baby boomers
age, they are beginning to see that we need the programs that serve
older people, especially their aging parents."
All three of these faculty members find the amount of progress that
elders have made in this century to be encouraging, and they see positive
signs for the future, as this group (to which everyone aspires to belong)
grows in size, in well-being, and in political strength. Harlow notes
that people in the over-sixty-five-year-old population continue to
get healthier as the group expands.
"About 12 percent of the U.S. population is now over sixty-five," Eklund
says. "By the year 2030, it will be roughly 20 percent. If these
people are like today's elders, they will vote in greater numbers than
any other age group. There's no good evidence, however, that older
people vote alike. So although there is potential for this to be a
very strong coalition, there is also a great deal of diversity among
older people, just as among people in any age group."
Shepherd envisions a future in which society will eliminate many current
constraints on elders: medical breakthroughs that will prevent or cure
Alzheimer's disease and other disabilities, less expensive treatment
techniques, and new technologies that will enable seniors to live more
independent lives. "In the future we may not be throwing up our
hands and saying, 'How are we going to take care of these older people?'" he
says. "Older people will be taking care of themselves." |